Armenia is having a 'color revolution.' So why is Russia so calm? - barcelonatraveller.info
Armenia is a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Collective conflict started between 2 ex Soviet Republics, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Armenian-Russian Relations: Diminishing Returns is based on the premise of the former Soviet space as Russia's natural sphere of influence. country of the South Caucasus with membership in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty. Armenian PM Calls For 'More Strategic' Relations With Russia . about Pashinian -- based on his track record of previous slogans when he was "We will cooperate with Russia, we will continue our membership in the CTSO.
Armenia - Relations with Russia
In addition, Armenia consistently favored the Russian peace plan for Nagorno-Karabakh, in opposition to Azerbaijan's insistence on reviving the CSCE plan that prescribed international monitors rather than combat troops most of whom would be Russian on Azerbaijani soil. During his last press conference before the end of his posting, 08 AprilRussian Ambassador to Armenia Anatoliy Dryukov cited the large influx of Russian capital to Armenia during his tenure, saying that Russia had invested more than USD million in Armenia since independence.
Dryukov went on to say that Russian capital is behind nine of Armenia's 20 banks and makes up one third of Armenia's total authorized capital stock of Armenia's banking system.
A significant proportion of the investments that Dryukov mentioned were made by Russian firms that are largely state-owned and have Russian government seats on the board. Still, even excluding these assets, many of which were the results of the debt-for-equity swaps ofRussian private investment accounts for an important share of Armenia's financial sector.
Russian foreign investment tends to be equity investment with little Russian control on the ground and, also, less transparency in ownership and corporate governance than seen in other foreign investments.
In MarchRussian President Vladimir Putin visited Armenia on a short trip that was billed by the Armenians as the most important official visit in recent history. His visit coincided with a Russian-Armenian business forum attended by over Russian businessmen, and a visit by the Speaker of Russia's Federal Assembly Sergey Mironov who opened a conference on future prospects for Armenian-Russian cooperation at the Armenian National Assembly on December 9.
While the Armenian press seems to be swallowing the "special relationship" line, we note that other countries in the old near abroad are also getting lots of high-ranking attention from Moscow.
Paradoxically, strengthening of Russia's positions and influence in the South Caucasus after the August war with Georgia alienated the military and political ally of Yerevan. In particular, the communications linking Armenia and Russia and supplying the Russian military base in Armenia have actually been closed.
Military transit via Georgia to Armenia is not possible either.Russia: Armenian PM Pashinyan lauds ‘direct and open’ relations with Putin
Other cargo traffic from Russia to Armenia and back to Russia via Georgia has become uneasy as well. The Russian military presence in Armenia is a major component of Armenian security.
The Russian nd Military Base, headquartered in Gyumri, dated from Soviet times and was intended to defend against the Turkish Third Field Army, which he contends is still considered a significant security threat to Armenia.
These forces and the Turkish support to Azerbaijani military forces stationed in Nakhichevan posed the greatest security threat to Armenia because they could easily cut Armenia into two. Armenian strategists were unanimously chagrined by Russia's mid plan to withdraw from the Conventional Forces in Europe CFE treaty, believing that a functioning CFE is very much in Armenia's national interests to restrain a regional arms race.
MFA experts raised concerns with Moscow. Respected local think tanks echoed the MFA's fears that Russia's withdrawal would offer Azerbaijan political cover to do the same.
Armenians complain that Azerbaijan already blatantly violates CFE limits on armored vehicles, but nonetheless felt the treaty still provided some restraint on Azerbaijani arms acquisitions. However, in recent years, some Armenian opposition leaders, taking cues from developments in Ukraine and Georgia, began to incorporate such discourse into their attacks on the government.
Armenian PM Downplays Problems In Russian Relations
Although Pashinyan has never been known to be exceptionally anti-Russian, even he adopted this position in his criticism of the Eurasian Economic Union. In one way, anti-Russian rhetoric was useful for both the Armenian government and the opposition, to alert Russia that it could not take Armenia for granted. However, the April Revolution demonstrated that Armenian Russophobia could also be fatal for the opposition.
Amid their stunning success, it soon became clear that anti-Russian policy was in fact hindering their far more important objectives e.
- Armenia–Russia relations
- Armenia is having a 'color revolution.' So why is Russia so calm?
- Moscow Watches Anxiously As Pashinian Realigns Armenia’s Foreign Policy
Consequently, Pashinyan moved quickly to reassure the Russian press and the Russian political elite that the revolution was not directed in any way against Moscow. In the end, they failed to convince these two audiences, both of whom gave Pashinyan the benefit of the doubt.
Foreign relations of Armenia
However, it was a close call for Pashinyan and it clearly illustrated the pitfalls of unnecessary anti-Russian bluster in Armenia. Alternative path Not only is anti-Russian discourse counter-productive in terms of its immediate political impact, but also in terms of its broader relevance.
The April Revolution in Armenia has regional and even global significance that the Rose or Orange Revolutions or the Maidan would never attain since they allowed themselves to be blinded by the allure of geopolitics and national chauvinism. Shifting away from the geopolitical context, the revolution in Armenia presents an alternative path for the post-Soviet states.
Although each former Soviet republic is unique, they all share broadly similar socioeconomic problems as well as the common historical and cultural experiences of Imperial Russia and the USSR. In an age of globalization, these commonalities are the foundation for greater regional cooperation. Economic, Security Levers Russia is Armenia's biggest economic partner, with more than 26 percent of its total trade turnover from January to July of this year being with Russian companies.
Russia is also a heavy investor in Armenia. We are talking [primarily] about Gazprom, which has a branch here," said Artak Manukian, chairman of the National Center of Public Policy Research and an economic adviser to Pashinian.
Armenia–Russia relations - Wikipedia
Manukian said Russian entities also have substantial investments in Armenia's banking sector and that "in most of the cases the [investors] were in a very good relationship with the political elite [of the pre-Pashinian governments]. The Russian Army also operates its Military Base in Armenia's second city, Gyumri, and is seen as a security guarantor for Yerevan against Turkey and, to a lesser degree, Azerbaijan. Russia is also the predominant weapons and military hardware supplier of the Armenian military -- but at the same time also holds the same role for Azerbaijan.
Moscow has in the past used its position as primary procurator of weapons to play the two countries against each other.